The recently concluded elections for the posts of municipal council presidents across Punjab were far more than routine local body exercises. They offered a revealing glimpse into the changing grammar of politics in the state, where the ancient maxim of “Sam, Dam, Dand, Bhed” appeared to play out in a modern electoral setting. The phrase, rooted in Chanakya’s Arthashastra, describes four methods of achieving political objectives. Sam means persuasion or conciliation, Dam refers to inducements or rewards, Dand signifies coercion or punishment, while Bhed denotes division or the exploitation of differences within a rival camp. Though centuries old, opposition parties argued that all four strategies were visible during Punjab’s municipal council president elections.

The most striking outcome was the ruling Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP) ability to secure the presidency in several urban local bodies despite lacking a numerical majority among elected councillors. The most dramatic example emerged in Morinda Municipal Council, where the AAP had won just one councillor’s seat while the Congress had secured 10 seats in the 15-member House. Yet, when voting for the president’s post took place, the AAP emerged victorious. A similar political script unfolded in Nangal and Kapurthala, where the Congress enjoyed stronger numbers, and in Abohar, where the BJP held a majority. In each case, the arithmetic of the election results differed sharply from the final political outcome.

The opposition alleged that the development was not merely an exercise in political management but one involving systematic pressure. Congress and BJP leaders accused the state government of using agencies such as the Punjab Police, the Vigilance Bureau and the GST Department to influence elected councillors ahead of the elections to the presidents’ posts. According to opposition leaders, old criminal cases involving councillors were reopened and notices issued before the voting. Some councillors privately claimed they were warned of fresh criminal cases, including complaints involving women, if they refused to change their political position. The ruling party has consistently denied these allegations. Ironically, the Congress also became a victim of its own internal divisions.

Even as it accused the ruling party of misusing state machinery, it struggled to present a united front. The party remained preoccupied with internal rivalries over its leadership and the choice of a prospective chief ministerial face ahead of the next Assembly elections. In several municipal councils, Congress councillors reportedly stayed away from voting despite the party enjoying comfortable majorities. Their absence proved decisive, enabling AAP candidates to capture the presidents’ posts. Elsewhere, Congress protests against the alleged misuse of power remained largely symbolic and failed to generate sustained political pressure. For the AAP, securing control of urban local bodies carries significance beyond municipal administration. Municipal councils influence local development, civic contracts, grassroots organisation and political messaging. With the next Assembly elections approaching, strengthening its presence in urban local bodies expands the party’s organisational network and political reach at the grassroots level.

Political observers point out that allegations of governments using official machinery during local body elections are hardly new. Successive governments, irrespective of political affiliation, have faced similar accusations. What distinguishes the present controversy, they argue, is not the existence of such allegations but the scale and intensity with which they have been raised. The episode also raises broader questions about the character of democracy at its most basic level. Municipal councils are often described as the first classroom of democracy, where citizens experience governance most directly and elected representatives exercise the trust reposed in them by voters.

The 74th Constitutional Amendment sought to strengthen these institutions by granting urban local bodies greater autonomy and making local self-government a key pillar of India’s democratic structure. Yet Indian democracy has long carried two parallel traditions. One is the constitutional ideal of decentralised governance, where power flows upward from the people. The other is the persistence of a feudal political culture in which power is measured by the ability to influence institutions, command loyalties and outmanoeuvre rivals. Municipal council elections often become the point where these two traditions collide.